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Τα αποτελέσματα του δημοψηφίσματος δεν έχουν οριστικοποιηθεί ακόμα και κατά πάσα πιθανότητα θα συζητούνται τουλάχιστον για μέρες τις επόμενες ημέρες. Η άκρως αμφιλεγόμενη πρόταση της Ανωτάτης Εκλογικής Επιτροπής έχει ρίξει βαριά σκιά στο δημοψήφισμα, μαζί με τον τρόπο με τον οποίο διεξήχθη η προπαγάνδα πριν από την ημέρα της ψηφοφορίας, με δημόσιο χρήμα και τηλεοπτικούς σταθμούς να χρησιμοποιούνται για χάρη του στρατοπέδου του «ΝΑΙ» με ανελεύθερο τρόπο και με τον Ερντογάν να συμπεριφέρεται ήδη σαν κομματικός πρόεδρος, κάτι που υποτίθεται ότι θα ετίθετο για ψηφοφορία στο δημοψήφισμα, ενώ την ίδια ώρα η καμπάνια του «ΟΧΙ» δεχόταν επίθεση και από τις δυνάμεις του κράτους και από παρακρατικούς κοντά στο AKPκαι το φασιστικό MHP. Και παρ’ όλα αυτά, οι εργατικές μάζες έχουν δείξει ότι δεν αποδέχονται το δεσποτισμό που επιβάλλεται στην Τουρκία. Τουλάχιστον 24 εκατομμύρια άνθρωποι καταψήφισαν το νέο σύστημα.
Los resultados del referéndum no son definitivos y, con toda probabilidad,van a ser objeto de debate durante al menos los próximos días. Las decisiones extremadamente controvertidas de la Comisión Suprema Electoral han proyectado una larga sombra sobre el referéndum, además de la forma en la que se llevó a cabo la propaganda antes del día de la votación, con el dinero público y los canales de televisión usados sin restricciones en favor del “Sí” y con Erdogan ya actuando como presidente partidario, que es lo que se supone que debe ser sometido a votación en este referéndum, mientras que la campaña por el “No” fue atacada por las fuerzas del estado y por matones cercanos al AKP y al partido fascista MHP. A pesar de todo esto, las masas trabajadoras han demostrado que no van a aceptar el despotismo que se está imponiendo en Turquía. Al menos 24 millones de personas han rechazado el nuevo sistema.
In questo momento i risultati del referendum non sono ancora definitivi, e in tutta probabilità saranno al centro del dibattito nel prossimo futuro. La decisione estremamente controversa dell'Alta Commissione Elettorale ha gettato una lunga ombra sul referendum, in aggiunta ai metodi con cui si è svolta la propaganda prima del giorno del voto, con denaro pubblico e canali televisivi impiegati in favore del Sì in maniera sfrenata e con Erdogan che agiva già come un presidente di parte - ciò che sarebbe appunto l'oggetto del referendum (1) - mentre la campagna del No veniva attaccata sia dalle forze dello Stato sia dai sicari politici vicini al AKP e dal partito fascista MHP. E nonostante tutto questo, le masse lavoratrici hanno dimostrato che non accetteranno il dispotismo che si sta imponendo in Turchia. Almeno 24 milioni di persone hanno rifiutato il nuovo sistema.
Les résultats du référendum ne sont pas définitifs et vont assurément être débattus durant les prochains jours. Les décisions extrêmement controversées de la Haute Commission Électorale ont jeté une ombre sur le référendum. Cela s’ajoute à la manière avec laquelle la propagande pour le camp du « oui » a été faite avant le jour du vote, avec l’argent public et les chaînes de télévision utilisées sans entraves, et Erdoğan qui agissait déjà comme un président partisan, ce qui devait pourtant être voté lors du référendum. Dans le même temps, la campagne en faveur du « non » a été attaquée par les forces gouvernementales et les voyous proches du Parti de la justice et du développement (AKP) ainsi que du parti fasciste du MHP. Malgré tout, les masses travailleuses ont montré qu’elles n’accepteront pas le despotisme en train d’être imposé en Turquie. Au moins 24 millions de personnes ont refusé le nouveau système.
The results of the referendum have not become definitive and will in all probability be debated for at least days to come. The extremely controversial decisions of the High Electoral Commission have cast a long shadow on the referendum, in addition to the manner in which the propaganda was carried on before the voting day, with public money and television channels being used in favour of the “Yes” camp in unfettered manner and with Erdoğan acting already as a partisan president, which is what is supposed to be voted on in this referendum, while the “No” campaign was attacked both by the forces of the state and thugs close to the AKP and the fascist party MHP. And despite all of this, the working masses have shown that they will not accept the despotism that is being imposed on Turkey. At least 24 million people have refused the new system.
Today, 25 March 2017, is the 60th anniversary to the day of the signing of the Rome Treaty, which set in motion the whole historical process that culminated in the European Union, after going through the stages of the European Economic Community and the European Community tout court. This has long been presented as a success story, almost exemplary, the legend goes, in terms of the supersession of the nation state, to be emulated by attempts at supranational integration around the world. To give credit where it is due, the EU and its earlier forms were, to a considerable extent, successful in creating a quite advanced scaffolding for the construction of a new and supranational politico-economic structure, in dealing with the multiple internal contradictions and tensions between the member states, in swallowing the weaker state structures of Central and Eastern Europe, including many countries of the Balkans, and in their resilience to the several serious crises at the international level that took their toll on the EU. However, this elaborate structure now seems to have met its Waterloo.
The Revolutionary Workers' Party held its 4th Congress and renewed its aim of deploying its forces within the heart of the working class in order to defeat imperialism and the despotism on the way of construction in Turkey. The congress started with a commemoration of comrades Atlen Yıldırım -a Central Committee member- and Sevda Alyakut - a vanguard revolutionary woman factory worker- for their recent losses. Revolutionary messages of CRFI sections EEK (Greece), PO (Argentina), PCL (Italy) and MTL (Finland) were read during the congress as well as a mutual solidarity message from AMO (Association of Marxist Organizations) and RPK (Russian Party of Communists) from Russia.
Avec les prochaines élections présidentielles puis législatives nous aurons à choisir parmi des candidats, liés à des partis, et des programmes. La situation actuelle est marquée, en plus de la crise capitaliste, par son corollaire : le poids acquit par le FN et le danger mortel qu'il représente. Nous nous efforcerons donc de dissuader ceux qui seraient tenté par ce vote protestataire mais suicidaire. Le FN n'est pas un parti neuf né en 1972, il a un passé plus ancien et un héritage que les travailleurs doivent connaître. Il est différent des autres organisations politiques. C'est une organisation de type fasciste, héritière des organisations telles que les ligues factieuses des années 1920-1930 : les Croix de Feu, l'Action Française, la Cagoule... dont, pendant l'occupation Nazie et le régime de Vichy, on retrouvera les membres dans la Milice de Pétain et des collabos. Les travailleurs ont payés très cher l'action de la Milice, quand l'extrême droite était au pouvoir.
ΗΤουρκία οδηγείται σε ένα δημοψήφισμα, προκειμένου να ψηφίσει τις συνταγματικές τροποποιήσεις που εγκρίθηκαν από το κοινοβούλιο, ως αποτέλεσμα συζητήσεων κρυμμένων από το κοινό, επιβολής της ανοικτής ψηφοφορίας και δημόσιων διαπληκτισμών. Οι τροποποιήσεις αυτές συνεπάγονται τη δημιουργία ενός δεσποτικού καθεστώτος. Θέλουν να νεκραναστήσουν το δεσποτικό καθεστώς, το οποίο νικήθηκε από τις επαναστάσεις των εργαζόμενων λαών της Τουρκίας όλων των εθνικοτήτων και κάθε γωνιάς της χώρας. Η δεσποτική εποχή του Αμπντούλ Χαμίτ Β’ εκπροσωπούσε τα συμφέροντα του γαιοκτήμονα που εκμεταλλευόταν τους Οθωμανούς χωρικούς, του Αγά, του τοκογλύφου, του «χαρατζή» που λεηλατούσε την παραγωγή των χωρικών, του δυνάστη και της προνομιούχας γραφειοκρατίας της αυλής. Ο τρέχων δεσποτισμός βασίζεται στα συμφέροντα των ιμπεριαλιστικών επιχειρήσεων, των επενδυτών του χρηματιστηρίου, του τοπικού μονοπωλιακού κεφαλαίου και των τραπεζών, αυτών των σύγχρονων τοκογλύφων. Το Επαναστατικό Εργατικό Κόμμα (DevrimciIsçiPartisi, DIP) κάνει έκκληση στην εργατική τάξη και στον εργαζόμενο λαό της Τουρκίας για ταξική πάλη εναντίον αυτού του δεσποτικού καθεστώτος, το οποίο θέλουν να αναβιώσουν προς το συμφέρον του...
La Turquie est amenée au référendum pour se prononcer sur les modifications constitutionnelles qui ont été acceptées à travers des discussions cachées à tout prix du peuple à l’Assemblée nationale, de l’imposition d’un scrutin non secret et des bagarres violentes. Ces modifications constitutionnelles signifient l’établissement d’un régime despotique en Turquie. Par un référendum modifiant la Constitution, on veut restaurer le despotisme auquel le peuple prolétaire de la Turquie, formé par toutes les nationalités et de tous les coins du pays, avait mis fin tous ensemble grâce aux réformes. La période despotique d’Abdulhamid II représentait les intérêts du propriétaire terrien qui exploitait les paysans ottomans, du seigneur, de l’usurier, du percepteur qui pillait la récolte des paysans en collectant les impôts, de l’oppresseur et de la bureaucratie privilégiée du Palais. Le despotisme actuel se hausse sur les intérêts des compagnies impérialistes, des investisseurs à la bourse, du grand capital local et des banques usurières modernes. Le Parti révolutionnaire des travailleurs (DIP) appelle la classe ouvrière et le peuple prolétaire de toute la Turquie à une lutte de classe...
In Turchia è stato indetto il referendum per votare gli emendamenti costituzionali che sono già stati approvati dal parlamento a seguito di dibattiti politici oculatamente celati all’attenzione pubblica, con l’imposizione dello scrutinio aperto in parlamento, e la violenta rissa del 12 gennaio in aula.
Devrimci İşçi Partisi'nin çağrısı kurulacak referandum sandıklarında sermayenin istibdad rejimine HAYIR deme çağrısıdır! Bu çağrı referandum günü ile sınırlı bir çağrı değildir. Bu düzenden şikâyetçi olan herkesi, referanduma yaşam tarzı, kimlik, memleket millet ya da mezhep temelinde yaklaşanlardan farklı olarak, sınıf tahakkümünü istibdad ile pekiştirme girişimine karşı işçi sınıfı saflarında birlikte mücadele yoluna davet ediyoruz.
Devrimci İşçi Partisi bu yolun yolcusudur! Tüm işçi ve emekçileri sermayeye, istibdada ve emperyalizme HAYIR diyerek, eşitliğin ve özgürlüğün yolunda yoldaş olmaya çağırıyoruz!
Turkey is being conducted to a referendum in order to vote the constitutional amendments that were approved by parliament as a result of discussions hidden from the public, the imposition of the open ballot and public brawls. These amendments imply the establishment of a despotic regime. They want to resuscitate the despotic regime which was defeated by the revolutions of the toiling people of Turkey from all nationalities and every corner of the country. The despotic era of Abdul Hamid II represented the interests of the landlord who exploited the Ottoman peasants, the agha, the usurer, the “tax farmer” who plundered the product of peasant, the jackboot and the privileged bureaucracy of the court. The current despotism is based on the interests of imperialist companies, stock market investors, local monopoly capital and the banks, those modern usurers. The Revolutionary Workers’ Party (Devrimci İşçi Partisi, DIP) is appealing to the working class and toiling people of all Turkey for class struggle against this despotic regime, whom they want to resuscitate in the interest of capital!
On 18 January 2017, the Government has imposed two projects of Emergency Ordinances: stipulating the pardon of the most important corruptions acts, and abolishing the conflict of interest and the abuse of office as corruption guilt, as well as any possibility of recovery of the material prejudices from the culprits. The two ordinances had, certainly, in view many members of the political “elite” – and this “dedication” has generated legitimate emotions – but people were indignant against the open infringement of the principles of the law which constitute a necessary form of their defence. The law is, obviously (and people understand this), the result of relations of forces, but to annul just the elements which represent the public control over the rulers and allow their punishment is a sign of extreme arrogance on behalf of them.
Nous, Renaissance Ouvrière Révolutionnaire, sommes des communistes qui nous battons pour cette lutte réelle et unifiée des ouvrières. Pas de confiance dans les partis du patronat, pas d’illusion sur les élections. Il faut vaincre le fascisme dans la rue, dans nos entreprises avec la lutte indépendante des ouvriers. Les élections ne peuvent être qu’un moyen pour faire avancer cette lutte. Nous avons gâché déjà beaucoup, même trop de temps. On n'a même pas une minute à perdre. Alors retroussons nos manches pour former le front unique ouvrier aux élections, dans les entreprises et dans les universités!
Türkiye beş aydır olağanüstü rejimde yaşıyor. Erdoğan hükümeti, Temmuz’daki darbe girişimi ile ilişkili olduğu iddia edilenlerin kurum ve idarelerden temizlenmesi bahanesi altında, tüm muhalefeti bastırmakta. Yayını durdurulan gazeteler ve görsel-işitsel medya, hapsedilen gazeteciler ve yazarlar, tutuklanan milletvekilleri, kapatılan insan hakları savunucusu dernekler, kamu görevinden çıkartılan sendika üyeleri : Türk solu, bu dev “tasfiyenin” kırbacına en sert şekilde maruz kalmaktadır. Sivil toplum, her şeye rağmen direnmeye çabalamaktadır. Muhalefet, “Hesap verme anı bir gün gelecek ve biz orada olacağız” demektedir. İstanbul ve Ankara’da röportaj.
La Turquie vit depuis cinq mois sous le régime de l’état d’urgence. Sous prétexte de débarrasser institutions et administrations des présumés complices de la tentative de putsch de juillet, le gouvernement Erdogan réprime toute opposition. Journaux et médias audiovisuels suspendus, journalistes et écrivains emprisonnés, députés arrêtés, associations de défense des droits humains fermées, syndicalistes limogés : la gauche turque subit de plein fouet cette immense « purge ». La société civile tente malgré tout de résister. « Un jour viendra le moment de rendre des comptes, et nous serons là », expliquent les opposants. Reportage à Istanbul et Ankara.
The case known publicly as the Mavi Marmara Case was dismissed by the court on the 9th of December 2016, as a result of the “normalisation” agreement signed between Turkey and the Zionist entity which was put through the Turkish Parliament last summer. Before commenting on this matter, it is important to remember the development of the process before the case.
What happened?
On the 31st of May 2010 at 02.00 AM, the armed forces of the so called State of Israel attacked the Freedom Flotilla consisting of eight ships that departed from different ports and aimed to break the Zionist siege of Gaza. This was done while the flotilla was in the international waters. Nine people from the Mavi Marmara Ship of the flotilla were killed. In the following period, diplomatic relations between Turkey and the Zionist entity became tense. But trade and military relations went on behind the scene.
The Turkish language theoretical journal Devrimci Marksizm, supported by the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (DIP), organised a conference on the occasion of its 10th anniversary. It also brought out its first special annual issue Revolutionary Marxism 2017.Devrimci Marksizm, the Turkish review, was first brought out in 2006 and first distributed through militant sales on May Day that year. It is now at its issue No. 29. The next issue No. 30 is planned to come out in the spring of 2017. The journal is planning a special issue in the course of the year on the October Revolution in Russia on the centenary of this epoch-making historical event.
Twenty five years ago, on December 25, 1991, from a flagstaff over the Kremlin a red banner of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) had been lowered slowly.
Having criminal trampled on the will of Soviet people which is unambiguously expressed on a referendum on March 17, 1991 to continue to live a uniform family in the united state, the small group of irresponsible and self-confident political laymans and upstarts has assumed the right to be rulers of the destiny of the centuries-old commonwealth of the people. With obvious connivance and indulgence of the President of the USSR they have organized a compulsory partition of the uniform country on a personal ancestral lands for targeting in each of them of orders in compliance with tastes of newly appeared "tsars", "khans" and other "(pre)residents". They have started looking for the curators of construction of new life among the authorities of "civilized" foreign countries.
Двадцать пять лет тому назад, 25 декабря 1991 года, с флагштока над Кремлем медленно спустили красное знамя Союза Советских Социалистических Республик (СССР).
Преступно поправ однозначно выраженную на референдуме 17 марта 1991 года волю его народов продолжать жить единой семьёй в общем государстве, кучка безответственных и самонадеянных политических дилетантов и выскочек присвоила себе право быть вершителями судеб многовекового содружества народов. При явном попустительстве и потворстве Президента СССР ими было организовано принудительное расчленение единой страны на личные вотчины для наведения в каждой из них порядков сообразно вкусам новоявленных «царей», «ханов» и прочих «(п)резидентов», наперебой бросившихся искать кураторов строительства новой жизни среди власть предержащих «цивилизованных» зарубежных стран.
The press reports that during a visit to Western Thrace, where a sizeable Turkish minority lives, Alexis Tsipras, the Greek prime minister, evoked the name of Sheikh Bedreddin, praised him and said that he should be a source of inspiration for all of us today. So, who is this Muslim sheikh whom a nominally leftist Greek prime minister, avowedly atheist, recommends as a source of inspiration to all Greeks, irrespective of their religion? A most ticklish remark at first sight. We should be thankful to Tsipras for having raised the topic, hastening to add that he personally, given his record in office, is absolutely unfit for inspiration by the grand old man.
Basında yer alan haberlere göre, birkaç hafta önce Batı Trakya’ya bir ziyareti sırasında Yunanistan başbakanı Aleksis Çipras Şeyh Bedreddin’den övgüyle söz ederek bugün hepimizin onu kendimize bir ilham kaynağı olarak görmemiz gerektiğini söylemiş. Başbakanlık yeminini İncil’e el basmadan yapacak kadar açıkça ateist olan, kendine solcu diyen birinin, bir Müslüman şeyhinin sadece Batı Trakya’nın Müslüman Türklerine değil, bütün Yunanlara ilham kaynağı olması gerektiğini söylemesi kendi içinde epey ironik. Çipras’ın Yunan halkının dikkatini Şeyh Bedreddin’e çekmesi dolayısıyla kendisine müteşekkir olmalıyız. Ama hemen ekleyelim: Yunan halkına verdiği bütün taahhütlere ihanet etmiş bir sözde sosyalist olarak Çipras’ın kendisinin Şeyh Bedreddin’den en ufak bir ilham almamış olduğu ortada!
Ο Τύπος ανέφερε ότι κατά την επίσκεψη του στη Δυτική Θράκη, όπου ζει μια αξιοσημείωτη τουρκική μειονότητα, ο Αλέξης Τσίπρας, ο Έλληνας πρωθυπουργός, επικαλέστηκε το όνομα του Σεΐχη Μπεντρεντίν, τον επαίνεσε και είπε ότι θα πρέπει να αποτελεί πηγή έμπνευσης για όλους μας στο σήμερα. Ποιος είναι, λοιπόν, αυτός ο μουσουλμάνος σεΐχης τον οποίον ένας «αριστερός», τω τίτλω, Έλληνας πρωθυπουργός, ανοιχτά άθεος, επικαλείται ως πηγή έμπνευσης για όλους τους Έλληνες ανεξαρτήτως θρηκεύματος; Καθ’ όλα γαργαλιστική παρατήρηση εκ πρώτης όψεως. Πρέπει να είμαστε ευγνώμονες στον Τσίπρα που έφερε στο προσκήνιο το θέμα αυτό, σπεύδοντας να προσθέσουμε ότι ο ίδιος προσωπικά, δεδομένου της ιστορίας του στην εξουσία, είναι εντελώς ακατάλληλος για έμπνευση από τον μεγάλο αυτό άντρα.
Il renzismo ha consumato una autentica disfatta.
La combinazione dell'altissima partecipazione al voto (70%) con la valanga del No (quasi il 60%) offre un'indicazione inequivoca. Il plebiscito della maggioranza silenziosa che Renzi aveva invocato per sé si è capovolto contro di lui e il suo governo. La tendenziale omogeneità della vittoria del No sull'intero territorio nazionale (con la parziale eccezione toscana) rafforza l'imponenza del pronunciamento.
The US and the European imperialism is in the center of reaction. The forces which are leading the world into a disaster step by step are these forces. Peace and tranquility may not be visible on the horizon. But hope has not disappeared yet. The road to opening an equal, free, and peaceful future for the peoples of the world is to defeat the imperialism. But to this end everyone should do their part. In Turkey, to struggle against our bourgeoisie who collaborate with the imperialism, to ensure that Turkey separate from NATO, to struggle until there is not even a single imperialist military base, not a single nuclear weapon left, to build the peoples’ friendship in the struggle against the imperialism fall to our part. The Revolutionary Workers’ Party (DIP) raises the call this struggle!
Τη νύχτα της 3ης προς 4η Νοέμβρη, το κράτος φυλάκισε τη θέληση 5 εκατομμυρίων Κούρδων! Αυτή είναι η ουσία των όσων συνέβησαν. Η ελευθερία των 5 εκατομμυρίων, κυρίως Κούρδων ψηφοφόρων και των άλλων κομματιών της κοινωνίας που υποστηρίζουν το HDP, βίαια παραβιάστηκε όταν οι εκλεγμένοι βουλευτές του HDP, που μπήκαν στο Κοινοβούλιο έχοντας υπερβεί το όριο του 10% κάτω από δυσμενείς συνθήκες πριν ένα χρόνο, στις εκλογές της 1ης Νοέμβρη, αρπάχθησαν από τα σπίτια τους ύστερα από έφοδο της αστυνομίας μέσα στη νύχτα. Δεν είναι μόνο η ελευθερία των βουλευτών του HDP που υφαρπάζεται, αλλά και του δικαιώματος 5 εκατομμυρίων ψηφοφόρων να εκλέγουν τους κοινοβουλευτικούς αντιπροσώπους τους.
Il regime di stato di emergenza instaurato da Tayyip Erdogan e dall'AKP inasprisce la sua persecuzione contro la classe lavoratrice e contro l’opposizione curda. Due dirigenti principali della giovane generazione del Partito Rivoluzionario dei Lavoratori (Devrimci Isçi Partisi, DIP) sono caduti vittima di questa repressione: tra i contestatori all’università che sono stati cacciati dai loro posti per decreto governativo, ci sono Levent Dölek, vicesegretario del partito e docente alla Facoltà di Economia dell’Università di Istanbul, e Mert Kükre, responsabile della sezione di Ankara del partito, assistente-ricercatore e candidato al dottorato della Middle East Technical University di Ankara, contro il quale si sono di nuovo rivolte le minacce di espulsione da parte dell’amministrazione dell’università, che approfitta strumentalmente dello stato di emergenza in vigore dall’alba dello sventato golpe del 15 luglio.
We can enumerate countless reasons for Trump’s election victory. But the main reason lying behind all the others is the Third Great Depression. The world has entered a new stage after the great financial crash in 2008. What started after that watershed moment was an economic crisis with a rarely seen profundity in the history of capitalism. Depressions are distinguished from the regular, ordinary and shorter-term crises by the impossibility of a spontaneous recovery. Depressions cannot come to an end without gigantic political, military and social upheavals. During this process, the old political structures of society become inadequate for the needs of the new stage. The old system starts to disintegrate all over the world. But this disintegration takes various forms in different countries and regions. Political equilibrium starts to shift to the right and left extremes. In some places this means that either fascism or revolution, or both of them come to the fore. Where one fails, the other becomes candidate for power.
La nuit du 3 au 4 octobre, l’État turc a mis en garde à vue la volonté de 5 millions de Kurdes. Ce n’est que de cela qu’il s’agit. La liberté écrasée au moment où plusieurs députés du HDP, qui a passé dans les conditions les plus difficiles le seuil électoral national par les votes de 5 millions d’électeurs, dont la grande majorité est des Kurdes, lors des élections du 1er octobre 2015, il y a donc juste un an, sont enlevés par irruption au domicile est celle de ces 5 millions de Kurdes et d'autres électeurs du HDP. Ce ne sont pas seulement les députés du HDP qui se sont dépossédés de leur liberté, mais 5 millions de personnes de celle d’élire leurs représentants. L’Etat de la République de Turquie a volé la liberté d’un citoyen sur 10 !
As the state of emergency regime of Tayyip Erdogan and the AKP steps up its persecution of working class and Kurdish opposition, two prominent leaders of the younger generation of the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (DIP) have been submitted to persecution. Levent Dölek, Deputy Chairperson of DIP and a lecturer at the Faculty of Economics of Istanbul University, was among a group of social fighters at the university who were expelled from their posts by a government decree. Mert Kükrer, on the other hand, a leader of the Ankara branch of the party and research assistant and doctoral candidate at the Middle East Technical University of Ankara, was, for a second time, threatened by the administration of his university with expulsion in an act that blatantly makes opportunistic use of the state of emergency reigning in the country since the failed coup of 15 July this year.
Tayyip Erdogan signs Law Decree that expels Levent and colleagues from their posts
Last summer a notable group of academics, unionists and politicians from around the world powerfully protested against the search for a very heavy disciplinary sanction against some junior academic staff of the Middle East Technical University (METU) in Ankara. This petition questioned the future relations of the international community of progressive academics should the university persist in its persecution of the staff in question. Some of us were signatories to this petition. Fortunately for the future of our relations with METU, the charges were dropped at that time. Even the reactionary Board of Higher Education, set up with the purpose of bringing Turkish academia into line with the reactionary policies of the junta of the early 1980s, did not deem appropriate the extremely heavy measures demanded by the administration of METU.
Nella notte fra il 3 e il 4 novembre, lo Stato ha imprigionato la volontà di cinque milioni di curdi. Questa è la sostanza di quanto è avvenuto. È la libertà di cinque milioni di elettori prevalentemente curdi e di altri settori della società vicini all'HDP, ad essere stata rapita con forza, nel momento in cui in piena notte sono stati prelevati dalla polizia nelle loro case i parlamentari dell'HDP, eletti dopo aver superato in situazioni difficilissime la soglia del 10 per cento alle elezioni del 1 novembre 2015, un anno fa. È stata sequestrata non solo la libertà dei parlamentari dell'HDP, ma anche quella del diritto di cinque milioni di elettori di eleggere i loro rappresentanti in Parlamento.
3 Kasım’ı 4 Kasım’a bağlayan gece, devlet 5 milyon Kürdün iradesini gözaltına aldı! Yaşanan budur. 1 Kasım oylamasında, yani neredeyse günü gününe bir yıl önce, büyük çoğunluğu Kürt, 5 milyon seçmenin oylarıyla en zor koşullarda barajı geçerek meclise giren HDP’nin çok sayıda milletvekili, evlerine yapılan baskınlarda zorla götürüldüğünde ezilen özgürlük, bu 5 milyon Kürdün ve öteki HDP seçmenlerinin özgürlüğüdür. Sadece HDP milletvekillerinin değil, 5 milyon insanın kendi temsilcilerini seçme özgürlüğü ellerinden alınmıştır. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti devleti, 10 yurttaşından birinin özgürlüğünü çalmıştır!
Neden? Milyonların oyuyla meclise gelmiş milletvekilleri neden gözaltına alınmıştır? Verilen gerekçe anlamsızdır: Milletvekillerinin savcılara ifade vermeye gitmemesi dolayısıyla deniyor. O zaman geri gidelim: Milletvekillerinin savcılarca çağırılması normal değildir; nasıl oluyor bu? Çünkü dokunulmazlıklar kaldırılmıştır. O zaman soralım: dokunulmazlıklar neden kaldırılmıştır?
Il regime di Erdogan ha compiuto un passo ulteriore nella propria deriva reazionaria. L'arresto in piena notte dei deputati curdi del HDP significa la decapitazione dell'unica vera opposizione parlamentare. La discussione apertasi sulla introduzione della pena di morte espone gli arrestati al rischio della vita. L'aperto sostegno parlamentare alle misure repressive del governo da parte dei partiti fascisti turchi dà il segno all'evoluzione in corso.
Il regime di Erdogan continua ed accelera il processo intrapreso dopo il fallito golpe militare del 15 luglio, in direzione di una concentrazione di poteri sempre più grande nelle mani insanguinate del presidente.
È il risvolto interno della politica neottomana in Medio Oriente. Una politica mirata all'annientamento ad ogni costo di qualsiasi spazio di autodeterminazione curda, dentro un progetto di espansione dell'area di influenza turca in Siria e in Iraq. La partecipazione turca alla battaglia di Mosul è parte di questo disegno. Come lo è l'intesa con Putin.
Quando il governo polacco annunciò a giugno per bocca del primo ministro Beata Szydło, l'inasprimento delle leggi contro l'aborto, nessuno prese in seria considerazione la cosa. Il nuovo partito di governo - Diritto e Giustizia (Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc, PiS) è una forza conservatrice e legata alla Chiesa cattolica, ma l'elettorato cattolico fondamentalista in Polonia è una minoranza. Anche i credenti sono pragmatici, e, ad esempio, non rispettano il divieto di contraccezione. La gente ha votato per Diritto e Giustizia perché ne ha avuto abbastanza dei partiti e delle politiche neoliberali, essendo la retorica dei conservatori incentrata sulle questioni sociali. È molto improbabile che il partito di governo (Diritto e Giustizia) modifichi le politiche neoliberali, specialmente dopo aver accettato il CETA [Accordo Economico e Commerciale Globale], ma è pur vero che è stato il governo di Diritto e Giustizia che, per la prima volta dal 1990, ha stanziato sussidi sociali per l'infanzia.
The working class should fight against war, the state of emergency which deprives them of their democratic rights and American imperialism, not against the Kurds. The Kurds are the brothers and sisters of the workers. Preserving this fraternity would serve the interest of the working class.
Los "revolucionarios" toman la Asamblea Nacional para impedir el golpe de la derecha, pero al ratito le dejan el recinto a los "golpistas" para que en una declaración política acuerden que estamos en "dictadura".¡Qué grotesca la democracia burguesa venezolana!
“Devrimciler” sağcıların darbesini engellemek için Ulusal Meclisi işgal ettiler. Fakat göz açıp kapayıncaya kadar, binayı “darbecilere” teslim ettiler. Sebebi de bir siyasi açıklamada “diktatörlük” ile yönetildiklerinin belirtilmesi üzerinde anlaşmaya varmış olmaları. Venezüella’nın burjuva demokrasisi ne garip!
Polonya hükümeti, Başbakan Beata Szydło’nun ağzından kürtaj karşıtı kuralların sıkılaştırılacağını ilan ettiği zaman kimse çok ciddiye almamıştı. Yeni iktidar partisi Hukuk ve Adalet (Prawo I Sprawiedliwosc) muhafazakâr ve Katolik Kilisesi ile ilişkilidir, ancak köktenci Katolik seçmenler Polonya’da azınlık teşkil etmektedirler. İnançlı insanlar bile pragmatiktir ve örneğin doğum kontrolü ile ilgili yasaklara riayet etmemektedirler. İnsanlar Hukuk ve Adalet Partisi’ne neoliberal partilerden bıktıkları ve muhafazakârların söylemleri toplumsal meseleleri ele aldığı için oy verdiler. İktidar partisinin neoliberal politikaları değiştirmesi, özellikle de CETA’yı (Kapsamlı Ekonomik ve Ticaret Anlaşması) kabul etmesi bağlamında, tartışmalıdır. Ancak Hukuk ve Adalet Partisi’nin 1990’dan beri ilk defa çocuk yardımı sağladığı doğrudur.