Articles
Turkey’s elections have stunned the whole world. A turnaround of such a magnitude in a matter of five months is probably unprecedented in electoral history. Having lost a full one fifth of its electorate (nine percentage points) in the general elections of 7 June earlier this year, the AKP of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, now president of the republic and formerly prime minister, made an unbelievable comeback in the snap elections held on 1st November. It regained all that it had given away earlier, receiving close to half the popular vote. Two million votes taken away from the fascist party, the MHP; one million from the HDP, the predominantly Kurdish party; half a million form a fundamentalist Islamist party, the predecessor of the AKP, and another million from new strata that came to vote at a higher rate this time. By any standards, the volatility of the electoral figures, to use purposefully a term popular in stock market jargon, is extremely intriguing.
La inmensa catástrofe que asoló las calles de la capital de Turquía en Ankara, el 10 de octubre, cuando dos bombas explotaron en medio de una multitud de lo que posiblemente fue de cientos de miles de personas, que lleva a la muerte a un número indeterminado de personas, en todo caso superior a cien, y heridas a cientos, algunos todavía en el riesgo de muerte, es un claro recordatorio, si es que hacía falta alguno, que se trata de un país bajo una grave crisis política. La trágica pérdida de vidas, que van desde un niño de nueve años de edad a una mujer de setenta años de edad y que involucra la muerte de un número muy elevado de jóvenes, ha dejado en profunda pena y luto a todos los que participaron en la manifestación por la paz que fue atacada: al movimiento de la clase obrera, la amplia izquierda, la comunidad alevita (la denominación minoritaria religiosa en Turquía), y el pueblo kurdo.
The immense catastrophe that struck Turkey in the streets of Ankara, the capital city, on 10 October, when two bombs exploded in the midst of a thronging crowd of what would possibly turn out to be hundreds of thousands of people, leading to the death of an indefinite number of people, in any case exceeding one hundred, and the wounding of hundreds, some still under the risk of death, is a sharp reminder, if any were needed, that this is a country undergoing a severe political crisis. The tragic loss of life, ranging from a nine-year old boy to a seventy-year old woman and involving the deaths of a very high number of young people, has left the working class movement, the broad left, the community of Alevis, the minority religious denomination in Turkey, and the Kurdish people, all of whom were involved in the peace demonstration that was attacked, in profound grief and mourning. It is cause for consolation, however, to witness the fact that the main aim of this hideous attack has been thwarted since, despite the grief, the masses have not been intimidated and have come out in militant mood both to protest and to bury their dead.
Hemos perdido más de un centenar de vidas en la concentración del 10 de octubre en Ankara. En el Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (DIP) estamos de luto por todos los compañeros que perdimos, hombres y mujeres, jóvenes y viejos, con los que nos habíamos unido en una lucha por la libertad, y ofrece sus condolencias a sus familias, así como a sus sindicatos y organizaciones políticas. Esperamos sinceramente que nuestros compañeros heridos se recuperen pronto.
La masacre del 10 de octubre en Ankara es el mayor ataque, en la historia de Turquía, a los trabajadores y los oprimidos en el ejercicio de su derecho a protestar. ¡Es más sangrienta que la del Domingo Sangriento de 1969! ¡Es más sangrienta que la del 1° de mayo de 1977! Es más sangrienta que la masacre de 1993 que tuvo lugar en el hotel Madimak en Sivas. Es el más atroz que todos los ataques a las celebraciones del Primero de Mayo tras el golpe de estado del 12 de septiembre. La masacre del 10 de octubre es, sin ninguna duda, el ataque más grande y más brutal a una manifestación organizada por los sindicatos.
Χάσαμε πάνω από εκατό ζωές στο συλλαλητήριο της Άγκυρας στις 10 Οκτώβρη. Το Επαναστατικό Εργατικό Κόμμα θρηνεί για όλους τους συντρόφους που χάσαμε· άντρες γυναίκες, νέους και γέρους, με τους οποίους είχαμε ενωθεί στον αγώνα για ελευθερία, και εκφράζει τα συλληπητήρια του στις οικογένειες τους καθώς και στα σωματεία τους και τις πολιτικές τους οργανώσεις. Ευχόμαστε ειλικρινά οι τραυματίες σύντροφοι να αναρρώσουν σύντομα.
Η σφαγή της 10ης Οκτωβρίου είναι η μεγαλύτερη επίθεση εναντίον των εργατών και των καταπιεσμένων στην Τουρκική ιστορία σε μια στιγμή που ασκούσαν το δικαίωμά τους στη διαμαρτυρία. Είναι πιο αιματηρή από την «Ματωμένη Κυριακή» του 1969! Είναι πιο αιματηρή από την πρωτομαγιά του 1977. Είναι πιο αιματηρή από τη σφαγή του 1993 στο ξενοδοχείο Μαντιμάκ του Σίβας [Σεβάστεια]. Είναι πιο αποτρόπαια απ’ όλες τις επιθέσεις στους εορτασμούς της Πρωτομαγίας που ακολούθησαν μετά το πραξικόπημα της 12ηςΣεπτεμβρίου. Η σφαγή της 10ης Οκτώβρη, χωρίς αμφιβολία, είναι η μεγαλύτερη και στυγνότερη επίθεση σε συλλαλητήριο που οργάνωσαν τα εργατικά συνδικάτα.
Alla manifestazione di Ankara del 10 ottobre abbiamo perso più di cento vite. Il Partito Rivoluzionario dei Lavoratori piange tutti i compagni che ci hanno lasciato, uomini e donne, giovani e anziani, ai quali eravamo uniti in una battaglia per la libertà, ed esprime le sue condoglianze alle loro famiglie e alle loro organizzazioni e sindacati. Speriamo sinceramente che i compagni feriti si riprendano al più presto.
Il massacro del 10 ottobre ad Ankara è stato il più grande attacco, nella storia della Turchia, ai lavoratori e agli oppressi nell'esercizio del loro diritto di manifestazione e protesta. È stato un attacco più sanguinoso del 16 febbraio del 1969 a Istanbul! Più sanguinoso del Primo maggio 1977 a Taksim! Più di quello del 1993 a Sivas. È stato più atroce di tutti gli attacchi alle manifestazioni del Primo maggio che hanno seguito il colpo di stato del 12 settembre del 1980. Il massacro del 10 ottobre è, senza dubbio, il maggiore e più brutale attacco ad una manifestazione sindacale che sia mai avvenuto.
La Turchia si sta rapidamente trasformando in un'altra Siria. Terroristi protetti dallo stato fanno esplodere bombe in mezzo a decine, centinaia di migliaia di persone nella capitale, Ankara. Più di cento morti, quasi quattrocento feriti... E questo massacro avviene in una Turchia in cui il governo non ha mosso un dito per cercare gli autori degli attentati preelettorali alle sedi dell'HDP e alle manifestazioni di Mersin, Adana e Diyarbakir, e a Suruç, il 20 luglio. Quindi, prima ancora di cercare di capire chi siano i responsabili questa volta, possiamo puntare il dito al governo AKP, senza esitazione.
We lost more than one hundred lives during the Ankara rally on October 10. The Revolutionary Workers Party mourns all the comrades we lost, men and women, young and old, with whom we had united in a struggle for freedom, and offers condolences to their families as well as their trade unions and political organizations. We sincerely hope that our wounded comrades will get well soon.
The October 10 Ankara massacre is the biggest attack in Turkish history on workers and the oppressed while exercising their right to protest. It is bloodier than the Bloody Sunday of 1969! It is bloodier than May Day 1977! It is bloodier than the 1993 massacre that took place at Madimak Hotel in Sivas. It is more atrocious than all the attacks on May Day celebrations following the September 12 coup. The massacre of October 10 is, without dispute, the biggest and most brutal attack on a rally organized by trade unions.
10 Ekim günü Ankara’da 100’ü aşkın canımızı yitirdik. Devrimci İşçi Partisi özgürlük kavgasında ve sınıf mücadelesinde omuz omuza vermiş olduğumuz genç yaşlı, kadın erkek o arkadaşlarımızın anısı önünde saygıyla eğilir, yakınlarına ve mensup oldukları sendikal ve siyasi örgütlere içtenlikle başsağlığı diler. Hâlâ ölümle pençeleşmekte olan yüzlerce dostumuza acil şifalar diler.
10 Ekim Ankara katliamı, modern Türkiye’nin bütün tarihinde emekçilerin ve ezilenlerin meydanlarda özgürlüklerini kullanırken uğradığı en büyük saldırıdır. 1969 Kanlı Pazar’dan daha büyüktür. 1 Mayıs 1977’den daha büyüktür! 1993 Sivas Madımak’tan daha büyüktür! 12 Eylül sonrasında 1 Mayıs’lara yapılan bütün saldırılardan daha büyüktür! 10 Ekim Ankara katliamı, hiç tartışmasız biçimde, bu topraklarda sendikal hareketin düzenlediği bir eyleme tarihte bugüne kadar düzenlenmiş en büyük saldırıdır.
Türkiye hızla Suriyeleşiyor. Devletin himayesindeki teröristler ülkenin başkentinde on binlerce, belki de yüz binlerce insanın orta yerinde iki bomba patlatıyor. Onlarca ölü. Seçim öncesi Mersin, Adana, Diyarbakır patlamalarını ve 20 Temmuz Suruç patlamasını seyreden, en ufak bir ciddi adım atmayan bir AKP hükümetinin Türkiye’sinde yaşanıyor bu katliam. Failleri kişi kişi tespit etmeden bile parmağınızı rahatlıkla AKP’ye ve hükümetine doğrultabilirsiniz!
Turquía está siendo transformada rápidamente en otra Siria. Los terroristas protegidos por el Estado turco explotan bombas en medio de decenas, quizá incluso cientos de miles de personas en la ciudad capital de Ankara. Más de un centenar de muertos, cerca de cuatrocientos heridos... Y esta masacre se está llevando a cabo en una Turquía donde el gobierno no ha movido un dedo para perseguir a los autores de las explosiones preelectorales en Mersin, Adana y Diyarbakir, y a la ocurrida en Suruç el 20 de julio. Así, incluso antes de tratar de averiguar quiénes son los perpetradores en esta fecha, podemos señalar con el dedo al gobierno del AKP sin dudarlo.
Η Τουρκία μετατρέπεται ταχύτατα σε μια νέα Συρία. Οι τρομοκράτες υπό την προστασία του κράτους πυροδότησαν βόμβες ανάμεσα σε δεκάδες, ίσως ακόμα και εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες ανθρώπων στην πρωτεύουσα της Άγκυρας. Περίσσοτεροι από εκατό θάνατοι, σχεδόν τετρακόσιοι τραυματίες… Και αυτό το σφαγείο λαμβάνει χώρα στην Τούρκια όπου η κυβέρνηση δεν έχει σηκώσει τα δαχτυλάκι της για να διώξει τους φυσικούς αυτουργούς των εκρήξεων στη Μερσίν, στα Άδανα και στο Ντιγιάρμπακιρ πριν τις εκλογές και τη βομβιστική επίθεση στο Σουρούτς στις 20 Ιουλίου. Γι' αυτό πριν ακόμα προσπαθήσουμε να καταλάβουμε ποιοι είναι δράστες αυτή τη φορά,, μπορούμε να καταδείξουμε με το δάχτυλο την κυβέρνηση του AKP, χωρίς δισταγμό.
Turkey is rapidly being transformed into another Syria. Terrorists protected by the state explode bombs in the midst of tens, maybe even hundreds of thousands of people in the capital city of Ankara. Over one hundred deaths, close to four hundred wounded… And this massacre is taking place in a Turkey where the government has not lifted a finger to go after the perpetrators of the pre-election explosions in Mersin, Adana and Diyarbakir and the bombing in Suruç on July 20. Thus even before attempting to figure out who the perpetrators are this time, we can point our finger at the AKP government without hesitation.
The results of the early regional elections of 27 September have aggravated the most important political crisis of the last forty years in the Spanish state. Arthur Mas, president of the Generalitat de Catalunya called an election with a plebiscitary character after three years of impossibility of finding a way out for the aspirations of Catalonia, repeatedly denied and fought against by the government of Mariano Rajoy and the state apparatus. If the pro-independence forces were to gain the majority, the new Catalan government would start a process of “disconnection” from the Spanish legal system, culminating in the declaration of independence and the approval of the constitution of the new Catalan Republic.
Los resultados de las elecciones autonómicas anticipadas del 27 de septiembre agudizan la crisis política más importante de los últimos cuarenta años en el Estado español. Artur Mas, presidente de la Generalitat de Catalunya, convocó unas elecciones con carácter plebiscitario después de tres años de imposibilidad de encontrar una salida a las aspiraciones de Cataluña, negadas y combatidas una y otra vez por el gobierno de Mariano Rajoy y el aparato del Estado. Si las fuerzas independentistas conseguían la mayoría, el nuevo gobierno catalán iniciaría un proceso de “desconexión” de la legalidad española que debía culminar con una declaración de independencia y la aprobación de la constitución de la nueva República Catalana.
27 Eylül’de yapılan erken özerk bölge seçiminin sonuçları İspanya devletinde son kırk yılın en önemli politik krizini derinleştirdi. Katalonya’nın Generalitat olarak anılan hükümetinin başkanı olan Artur Mas, Katalonya’nın özlemleri için bir çıkış yolu bulunamayan koskoca bir üç yıldan sonra referandum karakteri taşıyan bir erken seçim düzenledi. Bu üç yıl boyunca İspanya devlet aygıtı ve Mariano Rajoy hükümeti her çıkış yolunu reddetmiş, her çabaya karşı koymuştu. 27 Eylül seçiminde bağımsızlık yanlısı güçler çoğunluğu elde ettiği takdirde, yeni Katalan hükümeti, İspanya’nın hukuk sisteminden bir “kopuş” süreci başlatacak, bu süreç, sonunda bir bağımsızlık bildirgesinin ve yeni Katalan Cumhuriyeti anayasasının kabulü ile taçlanacaktı.
Después de capitular ante la UE, el BCE y el FMI el 12 de julio con la firma de un tercer paquete de las más bárbaras medidas de austeridad ligadas a un nuevo rescate de la insostenible deuda griega, después de extender la decepción, la confusión y la indignación entre las masas populares griegas y la rabia entre sus propios miembros, después de una ruptura traumática en su partido y en su grupo parlamentario, Syriza consiguió sin embargo ganar las elecciones anticipadas del 20 de septiembre y resucitó su gobierno de coalición con los nacionalistas de derecha de ANEL (Griegos Independientes).
Alexis Tsipras ha vinto clamorosamente la propria scommessa. Ha voluto precipitare le elezioni per capitalizzare la popolarità della propria figura e salvarsi dal fallimento della propria politica. Prima che le masse potessero verificare sulla propria pelle i costi sociali del memorandum siglato. L'operazione è riuscita oltre ogni previsione. Syriza ha conservato quasi immutata la propria percentuale di voto. Unità Popolare ha fallito l'approdo in Parlamento. Tsipras può rifare un governo fotocopia a braccetto col partito reazionario Anel (con un abbraccio a Kammenos esibito subito sul podio) disponendo di un gruppo parlamentare più disciplinato. Più disciplinato... a cosa? Naturalmente al rispetto del terribile piano di austerità e sacrifici dettato dai creditori e sottoscritto da Tsipras.
The following interview was published on the left-wing Italian web-site Il pane e le rose (Bread and Roses) on 13 September 2015, on the eve of the elections of 20 September. The interview with Savas Michael-Matsas, Secretary General of the EEK, was held by Stefano Macera.
The EEK( Workers Revolutionary Party) of Greece is a revolutionary Trotskyist organization, the Greek Section of the Coordination Committee for the Refoundation of the Fourth International( CRFI). It is founded in 1963 under the name of its predecessor EDE( Workers Internationalist League), which was transformed into the Party, EEK-Trotksyists , in 1985.
For more than five deacades, the EEK was and is active in the workers, popular, youth, and social movements, nationally and internationally continuously, before , during, and after the military dictatorship( 1967-74) until now. It intervened with its own candidates in most elections for the national Parliament, local governmet and the European Parliament. from 1977 onwards until now, in 2015.
L'EEK (Partito Rivoluzionario dei Lavoratori) è un'organizzazione rivoluzionaria, trotskista, sezione greca del Coordinamento per la Rifondazione della Quarta Internazionale (CRQI). È stato fondato nel 1963 con il nome di EDE (Lega Internazionalista dei Lavoratori), diventato EEK nel 1985. Per oltre cinque decenni l'EEK è stato ed è attivo nel movimento operaio, tra i giovani e i movimenti sociali, a livello nazionale e internazionale, ininterrottamente prima, durante e dopo la dittatura militare (1967-1974) fino ad oggi. A partire dal 1977 ha partecipato con i suoi candidati alla maggior parte delle elezioni parlamentari, locali ed europee. Da quando la crisi capitalista mondiale scoppiata nel 2007/2008 ha colpito con un impatto devastante la Grecia, l'Europa e le regioni del Medio Oriente e del Nordafrica, l'EEK ha ospitato tre Conferenze internazionali euro-mediterranee, ad Atene, convocate dal Centro Socialista dei Balcani "Christian Rakovsky", dal sito RedMed e dalle sezioni europee del CRQI.
The Kurdish town of Cizre, a settlement with a population of approximately 150 thousand souls in Southeastern Turkey, is now under siege of the Turkish armed forces and the so-called “special operation force” of the police for a second time, after a previous one-week long siege was lifted for an interlude of two days. A round-the-clock curfew is accompanied by power cuts and the interruption all means of communication including mobile telephones and the Internet. The evidence that came out when the first round of siege was lifted attests to a terrible human drama. Over 30 civilians are dead, ranging from a 35-day old infant to a 75-year old man. Before the siege was lifted, government sources claimed that security forces had killed more than a dozen fighters of the PKK, the Kurdish guerrilla army, denying any civilian deaths. How the baby and the old man could have contributed to the fight of the PKK remains a mystery unexplored by government spokespeople after the facts have come to light.
Only a few days remain until the snap elections on September 20 called by former prime minister Tsipras, after the implosion and split of the ruling party Syriza that followed his capitulation to the troika on July 12, and the vote of the third and worst “Memorandum” of austerity measures.
The Tsipras leadership of the remaining Syriza blames the faction of Left Platform led by Lafazanis, which opposed the Memorandum and split with 25 Syriza deputies to form “Popular Unity”, running now independently in the elections . It is not true at all. There was and continues a generalized shock among the Greek masses, a deep disappointment, and a popular wrath for the capitulation that ignored the popular will of the landslide victory of the NO in the Referendum on July 5. It is the wave of popular revolt about what rightly is considered as a betrayal of the hopes invested to Syriza for an end of austerity that led to the collapse of the government.
Devrimci İşçi Partisi (EEK – Trotskistler) 20 Eylül’deki seçime Andarsya cephesi ile beraber katılacağını açıkladı.
Çipras, üçüncü Memorandum’un kabul edilişi ve hem yerli hem de uluslararası tefecilere teslimiyeti dolayısıyla yükselen tepkiler sonrasında, bir baskın seçim çağrısı yaptı. Bu seçim, kapitalizmin küresel, yapısal ve sistemik krizinin daha da derinleştiği şartlarda yapılmaktadır. Doğu Avrupa’dan (Ukrayna) Orta Doğu ve Afrika’ya kadar savaşların yayıldığı, Ege ve Akdeniz’de yüzlerce çaresiz mültecinin boğulduğu, Yunanistan’da tam anlamıyla ekonomik ve siyasi iflasın ve bir iktidar krizinin yaşandığı ve burjuva iktidarının son koltuk değneği sol reformist Syriza’nın yüz kızartıcı bir durumda bulunduğu bir dönemden geçiyoruz.
Bu ciddi koşullar ışığında EEK krize, yerli ve yabancı tefeci sermayenin saldırılarına, muazzam boyutlara ulaşan işsizliğe, fabrikaların ve küçük dükkânların kapatılmasına, yoksullaştırmaya ve insanı insanlıktan çıkaran koşullara karşı bir işçi sınıfı yanıtı verilebilmesi için bir birleşik sınıf mücadelesi cephesinin oluşturulmasını gerekli görüyor.
Il Partito Rivoluzionario dei Lavoratori (Ergatiko Epanastatiko Komma, EEK) annuncia la sua partecipazione alle elezioni del 20 settembre, in collaborazione con Antarsya.
Queste elezioni anticipate, che Tsipras ha convocato dopo il clamore provocato dalla sua adozione del terzo memorandum e dalla sua capitolazione ai creditori nazionali e internazionali, si tengono all'interno di un contesto di deterioramento della crisi globale, strutturale e sistemica del capitalismo, con le sue guerre sparse dall'Europa dell'est (Ucraina) al Medio Oriente e all'Africa, con centinaia di rifugiati disperati annegati nell'Egeo e nel Mediterraneo; in condizioni di completa bancarotta politica ed economica e di crisi di potere in Grecia; e con la massima vergogna di cui si è coperta l'ultima stampella del potere borghese, la sinistra riformista di Syriza.
Devrimci İşçi Partisi, emperyalist kapitalizm ayakta kaldıkça, bir yandan emperyalist sömürü mekanizmalarının yarattığı yoksulluk ve sefaletin, bir yandan emperyalizmin kışkırttığı savaşların sonucunda göç ve iltica olgularının kalıcı olduğu bilinciyle, bu sorunun ancak dünya çapında eşitliğin yerleşmesini ve yoksul ülkelerin sömürülmesine son verilmesini sağlayacak olan sosyalizmin uluslararası çapta zaferiyle sona ereceğini ilan eder.
Ne var ki, sosyalizmin zaferine giden yolda bir dizi somut acil tedbir ve talep, her aşamada daha fazla işçi iktidarına bağlanarak formüle edilmelidir. Bu uluslararası alanda yapılacak bir çalışma ile bütünsel bir hal alacak bir eylem programında somutlaşmalıdır. DİP şimdiden sorunun Ortadoğu-Kuzey Afrika bölgesi ve Türkiye’yi ilgilendiren boyutlarında uluslararası işçi hareketinde tartışılmak ve ileri taşınmak üzere bir ilk program sunuyor.
El Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (EEK-trotskistas) anuncia su participación en las elecciones del 20 de septiembre, en colaboración con el frente ANTARSYA.
Estas elecciones -que Tsipras convoca por la “vía rápida”después de la indignación que despertó la adopción del tercer Memorándum y la capitulación a los prestamistas locales e internacionales- tienen lugar en el contexto de un deterioro de la crisis global, estructural y sistémica del capitalismo, con guerras que se extienden desde el este de Europa (Ucrania) hasta Oriente Medio y África, con cientos de refugiados desesperados ahogados en el Egeo y el Mediterráneo, en condiciones de total bancarrota económica y política y de crisis de poder en Grecia, y de extrema vergüenza por la actuación de la última muleta del poder burgués, la izquierda reformista de SYRIZA.
The Workers Revolutionary Party (EEK – Trotskyists) announces its participation at the elections of September 20, in cooperation with the front ANTARSYA.
These “fast track” elections, which Tsipras has called after the outcry he roused through the adoption of the third Memorandum and the capitulation to local and international lenders, are held within the context of a deterioration of the global, structural and systemic crisis of capitalism, with wars spreading from eastern Europe (Ukraine) to the Middle East and Africa, with hundreds of desperate refugees drowned in the Aegean and the Mediterranean, in conditions of complete economic and political bankruptcy and crisis of power in Greece, and extreme shame for the last crutch of bourgeois power, the left reformist SYRIZA.
Within these critical conditions, EEK considers necessary the creation of a united front of class struggle in order to give a working class response to the crisis, to attack the local and foreign capital loan sharks, a response to the enormous unemployment, to the closure of factories and small shops, to impoverishment and dehumanization.
Los participantes en la Tercera Conferencia Euro-mediterránea, convocada en Atenas, Grecia, por el Centro Socialista de los Balcanes “Christian Rakovsky” y la web RedMed entre los días 18 y 20 de julio de 2015, hacemos un llamamiento a la clase obrera internacional y a todos los oprimidos del mundo para mobilizarse y expresar con su acción la solidaridad con las masas populares y los trabajadores griegos, sometidos al ataque continuado y creciente por parte de la odiada troika imperialista formada por la Unión Europea, el Banco Central Europeo y el Fondo Monetario Internacional.
The following communiqué was released immediately after the Third Euro-Mediterranean Conference held in Athens in July was held, but has not been posted on the RedMed web site as a result of a technical problem. We are now belatedly publishing it.
The 3rd Euro-Mediterranean Conference concluded successfully in Athens, Greece, on July 18-20 2015, under extraordinary conditions of the on-going political crisis in this country and in Europe.
It was organized by the Balkan Socialist Center “Christian Rakovsky” and the RedMed network, and it was hosted by the EEK.
The interest expressed and the attraction manifested towards the Conference certainly reflects the enormous interest produced by the Greek/Eurozone crisis. At the same time, it reflects the political authority of the main organizer and host of the Conference, the EEK, which is in ascendancy at home and abroad, both previously and after the on-going crisis.
Εμείς, οι συμμετέχοντες στην 3η Ευρωμεσογειακή Συνδιάσκεψη, η οποία συγκλήθηκε στην Αθήνα (Ελλάδα) από το Βαλκανικό Σοσιαλιστικό Κέντρο «Κριστιάν Ρακόφσκι» και το δίκτυο RedMed στις 18-20 Ιουλίου 2015, καλούμε τη διεθνή εργατική τάξη και τους καταπιεσμένους σε όλο τον κόσμο να κινητοποιηθούν και να εκφράσουν στην πράξη την αλληλεγγύη τους στους Έλληνες εργάτες και τις λαϊκές μάζες που βρίσκονται κάτω από τη συνεχή και κλιμακούμενη επίθεση της μισητής ιμπεριαλιστικής τρόικας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, της Ευρωπαϊκής Κεντρικής Τράπεζας και του Διεθνούς Νομισματικού Ταμείου.
We, participants in the 3rd Euro-Mediterranean Conference, convened in Athens, Greece by the Balkan Socialist Center “Christian Rakovsky” and the RedMed network on July 18-20, 2015, call the international working class and all the oppressed all over the world to mobilize and express in action their solidarity with the Greek workers and popular masses under continuous and escalating attack by the hated imperialist troika of the European Union, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
Los participantes en la Tercera Conferencia Euro-mediterránea, convocada en Atenas, Grecia, por el Centro Socialista de los Balcanes “Christian Rakovsky” y la web RedMed entre los días 18 y 20 de julio de 2015, hacemos un llamamiento a la clase obrera internacional y a todos los oprimidos del mundo para mobilizarse y expresar con su acción la solidaridad con las masas populares y los trabajadores griegos, sometidos al ataque continuado y creciente por parte de la odiada troika imperialista formada por la Unión Europea, el Banco Central Europeo y el Fondo Monetario Internacional.
“Kristiyan Rakovski” Balkan Sosyalist Merkezi ve RedMed iletişim ağı öncülüğünde, 18-20 Temmuz 2015 tarihlerinde Atina’da toplanan 3. Avrupa-Akdeniz Konferansı’nın katılımcıları olarak bizler, uluslararası işçi sınıfını ve dünyanın tüm ezilenlerini harekete geçmeye ve Avrupa Birliği, Avrupa Merkez Bankası ve Uluslararası Para Fonu’nun oluşturduğu emperyalist troykanın sürekli ve giderek artan saldırısı altında olan Yunan işçileri ve halk kitleleri ile eylemlerle dayanışma göstermeye çağırıyoruz.
La risposta di Recep Tayyip Erdogan alla bocciatura che le elezioni politiche del 7 giugno hanno inflitto a lui e al suo partito (AKP) è stata trascinare la Turchia in guerra. Alla fine di giugno ha ammassato truppe al confine con la Siria. All'inizio di luglio ha stretto un accordo segreto con l'ex generale John Allen, l'inviato speciale di Obama per la coalizione anti-IS, promettendo che avrebbe lasciato utilizzare agli USA la base aerea di Incirlik. Sfruttando l'attacco suicida di Suruç, ha infine messo in pratica il suo piano di guerra. È la guerra di Erdogan, fatta per salvare la sua carriera politica. È la guerra dell'AKP, fatta per far sì che questo partito continui a restare al potere. La classe operaia e tutti i lavoratori devono dire "basta!" a questo piano di guerra, che condurrebbe il paese in un nuovo campo di battaglia dell'orribile lotta in Medio Oriente.
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s answer to the people’s rejection of him and his party, the AKP, in the June 7 general elections has turned out to be the choice of dragging Turkey into war. At the end of June, he massed troops on the Syrian border. At the beginning of July, he made a secret agreement with the retired General John Allen, Obama’s special presidential envoy for the coalition against the ISIL, and promised to let the US use the Incirlik Air Base. Taking advantage of the suicide bomb attack in Suruç, he put his war plan in practice. This is Erdoğan’s war in order to save his political career. This is the AKP’s war in order to maintain power on its own. The working class and the poor, laboring people should say “stop!” to this plan, which would turn the country into a new battlefield of the horrible fight in the Middle East.
On this day of 20 June 2015, dozens of people, more than 50 on some counts, lost their lives as a result of an attack by a suicide bomber in the town of Suruç (Pirsûs), province of Urfa (Riha) in Turkey, just across the border from the Kobane canton of Rojava, the autonomous political entity of Western Kurdistan established in 2012 in the north of Syria. This was an attack on the youth group of the ESP, one of the component forces of the umbrella party HDP (the People’s Democracy Party), which won 13 per cent of the popular vote in the 7 June 2015 elections and caused the party of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the AKP in power, a serious setback. From this vantage point, this attack appears as a new addition to the long list of carefully planned attacks on the HDP during the election campaign, culminating in the bomb attack on the demonstration in the city of Diyarbakır (Amed) two days before election day, which left four people dead.