Articles
Avrupa, dünya kapitalizminin 2008’den bu yana çözülemeyen çok yönlü -sosyal, ekonomik, siyasal, jeopolitik- krizinin merkez üssü haline gelmiştir. “Uzun vadeli durgunluk”, resesyon ve deflasyon basıncı Avrupa Birliği’ni diğer tüm ülke gruplarından daha fazla etkiliyor ve milyonlarca insanı işsiz, evsiz, sağlık ve eğitim hizmetlerinden yoksun bırakıyor.
Turkey is going through a period that brings together an electoral process and a big strike movement with a great potential of leaving its imprint on the future of the country. General elections are taking place on Sunday, 7th June. The decisive question in those elections is whether the HDP, People’s Democracy Party, controlled by the Kurdish movement with the support of a series of Turkish socialist parties and groups of different stripes, is going to attain the electoral threshold of 10 per cent required of a party in order to take any seats in parliament. If it does, it will probably have between 60 and 70 seats in a parliament of 550, as its strength is heavily concentrated in the Kurdish region. If it fails to reach that level, on the other hand, the AKP of now-president Tayyip Erdoğan will take all those seats, as the other parties are practically non-existent in the Kurdish region. The HDP hovers precisely around the 10 per cent level in the polls, so the whole country will be holding its breath on the day of the elections.
The metalworkers of Turkey are engaged in a revolt against the low-wage policy of their bosses, organised in the industry association MESS, and against the yellow gangster union Türk Metal in total collusion with the bosses’ organisation. The workers of Renault took the initiative by stopping work on 15th May. The workers of Tofaş, the manufacturer of Fiat cars in Turkey, followed suit the next day. This led to a wildfire of strikes in successive factories, including Magneti Marelli Mako, Ototrim, Türk Traktör, Ford Otosan, and Valeo. Workers at other companies in the metal industry are looking towards the movement as well. At the moment when these lines are being written, a total of way over 20 thousand workers have gone on strike and the action at Renault has already left a week behind. It should be emphasized that this is happening in a country where the right to strike has been constricted by the legislation promulgated under the military regime of the early 1980s and is strictly limited to disputes that arise in the collective negotiating process. This strike, on the other hand, has as its sole source of legitimacy the fighting spirit and the unity of the workers.
A Bursa, une des villes industrielles majeures de la Turquie, les ouvriers du secteur métallurgiques, et en particulier de l’automobile, se sont engagés dans une révolte contre la politique de bas salaires des patrons représentés par l’organisation patronale sectorielle MESS et contre le syndicat jaune Türk Metal, transmission de courroie des politiques patronales. Les ouvriers de Renault ont pris l’initiative de commencer une grève sauvage le 15 mai et ceux de Tofaş, entreprise qui manufacture les voitures Fiat an Turquie, se sont joints à eux le lendemain. Près de six mille ouvriers travaillent dans chacune de ces deux usines. Coşkunöz, usine fournisseur à Renault et Fiat, aussi bien que Magneti Marelli Mako, multinationale qui produit des pièces hi-tech pour automobiles, ont à leurs tours commencé la grève l’un après l’autre. Au moment où nous écrivons ces lignes, un total de 20 mille ouvriers ont entamé une grève sans aucun fondement légal dans un pays où le droit à la grève est circonscrit strictement à des procédures de négociations collectives. Cette grève, par contre, trouve sa seule source de légitimité dans la volonté de lutte et d’unité des travailleurs.
L'Europe est devenue l'épicentre de la crise capitaliste mondiale post-2008 non résolue dans tous les aspects – social, économique, politique, géopolitique.
La «stagnation séculière», la récession et les pressions de la déflation affectent l'Union Européenne plus que tout autre groupe de pays avec des millions de personnes sans emploi, abri, services de santé ou d'éducation.
En el año 2015 se cumple el centenario de la deportación y matanza de armenios de la meseta de Anatolia por parte del gobierno otomano del Comité de Unión y Progreso. Nosotros, como Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (DIP), declaramos que estos hechos constituyen un genocidio, y reclamamos a los gobiernos que dicen representar al pueblo de Turquía el reconocimiento de este acto de genocidio y la adopción de medidas que reparen los daños y los perjuicios que ha sufrido el pueblo armenio.
Europe has become the epicenter of the unresolved post-2008 world capitalist crisis in every aspect -- social, economic, political, geopolitical.
“Secular stagnation”, recession and deflation pressures affect the European Union more than every other group of countries with millions of people without a job, or a shelter, or health services or education.
Iran reached a preliminary agreement with the 5+1 (E3+3) group on its nuclear program in Switzerland after long negotiations. Barack Obama called the agreement a “historic understanding” while Iranians watched a US president live on TV for the first time since the 1979 revolution. The deal is made at a time when the Middle East is going through a period marked by crises. Civil wars are still going on in Syria, Iraq and Libya and most recently another war has erupted in Yemen. It is quite well-known that Iran is one of the important actors and parties involved in these wars.
The joint press conference following the preliminary deal raised different questions: how will this agreement affect Iran's relationship with the West, or what will its effects be on the Middle East's balance of power? Even those who follow Iran's internal policies may ask how this agreement will be met by different political wings of Islamic Republic, especially by the hardliners.
Condanniamo il genocidio armeno in nome dell'internazionalismo proletario! Il 2015 è il centenario della deportazione e del massacro degli armeni dell'altopiano anatolico da parte del governo ottomano del Comitato Unione e Progresso. Il Partito Rivoluzionario dei Lavoratori (DIP) ritiene che quegli eventi vadano definiti come genocidio, e che i governi che pretendono di rappresentare il popolo turco debbano riconoscere questo genocidio e fare quanto necessario e possibile per redimere e risarcire il male arrecato al popolo armeno.
The following appeal was sent to scores of German left-wing organizations on the occasion of the centenary of the Armenian genocide.
Press the German government to officially recognise the Armenian genocide!
Demand complete opening of German state archives relevant to the genocide!
This year is the centenary of the deportation and massacre to which the Armenians of the Anatolian plateau were subjected by the Ottoman government under the Committee of Union and Progress. We as the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (DIP) declare that these events amount to genocide and that governments that purport to represent the people of Turkey should recognise this act of genocide and do whatever is necessary and possible to redeem and redress the harm thus done to the Armenian people.
L’année 2015 est le centenaire de la déportation et du massacre des Arméniens du plateau anatolien par le gouvernement ottoman du Comité Union et Progrès. Nous, en tant que le Parti révolutionnaire des travailleurs (DIP), déclarons que ces événements constituent un génocide et appelons les gouvernements qui prétendent représenter le peuple de Turquie à reconnaître cet acte de génocide et à faire le nécessaire afin de redresser les torts et de réparer le préjudice que le peuple arménien a subi.
Το 2015 είναι η εκατονταετηρίδα της απέλασης και σφαγής την οποία υπέστησαν οι Αρμένιοι του οροπεδίου της Ανατολίας από την οθωμανική κυβέρνηση, υπό την Επιτροπή της Ένωσης και Προόδου. Εμείς, ως Επαναστατικό Εργατικό Κόμμα (DIP), δηλώνουμε ότι τα γεγονότα αυτά ισοδυναμούν με γενοκτονία και ότι οι κυβερνήσεις που ισχυρίζονται ότι εκπροσωπούν το λαό της Τουρκίας θα πρέπει να αναγνωρίσουν αυτή την πράξη της γενοκτονίας και να κάνουν ό,τι είναι αναγκαίο και δυνατό για να εξοφλήσουν και να αποκαταστήσουν τη ζημιά που έγινε στον αρμενικό λαό.
2015 yılı, Anadolu topraklarında yaşayan Ermenilerin İttihat ve Terakki Partisi’nin yönetimindeki Osmanlı hükümeti tarafından maruz bırakıldıkları tehcir ve katliamın yüzüncü yıldönümüdür. Devrimci İşçi Partisi (DİP) olarak yaşanan bu olayların soykırım niteliğinde olduğunu, Türkiye halkını temsil ettiğini iddia eden hükümetlerin bu soykırımı tanıması ve Ermeni halkına verilen zararın onarılması ve tazmini için ne gerekiyorsa yapması gerektiğini ilan ediyoruz.
On April 24, 1915, hundreds of Armenian intellectuals, politicians and community leaders were rounded in Istanbul (or Constantinople as it was then called in the West) by the Ottoman state, to be subsequently sent to exile from which most never returned. This was the signal that set off a chain of events that ended in a tragedy the like of which has rarely been witnessed in the annals of modern history. The Armenians, who had been living in the eastern part of the Anatolian plateau from time immemorial, were forcibly deported from their homes in almost every city in what is now Turkey, ostensibly to their destination Dar ez Zor in the Syrian desert. Up to a million and a half died in the process. Women were abducted, raped and killed. Young children were sent to orphanages and forcibly Islamized. All the property belonging to Armenians, houses and gardens, farms and orchards, cattle and sheep, workshops and tools, trade houses and factories were seized by the state or simply grasped by the Turkish ruling strata. Churches were made into warehouses or left to rust and community hospitals and schools were taken away.
2015 is the centenary of the deportation and massacre to which the Armenians of the Anatolian plateau were subjected by the Ottoman government under the Committee of Union and Progress. We as the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (DIP) declare that these events amount to genocide and that governments that purport to represent the people of Turkey should recognise this act of genocide and do whatever is necessary and possible to redeem and redress the harm thus done to the Armenian people.
La mancanza di centralizzazione e di obiettivi politici disarticolarono il movimento degli "indignati", che occupò le piazze spagnole nella primavera del 2011. Nell'autunno di quello stesso anno, la vittoria elettorale del Partito Popolare, di destra, demoralizzò i partecipanti meno attivi del movimento. Gli scioperi generali del 2012 e le potenti mobilitazioni dei lavoratori del settore pubblico riaccesero lo spirito di lotta. Un'enorme repressione statale (coronata dalla recente riforma del codice penale) seguì la formazione del nuovo governo. Oggi, il movimento ha raggiunto il livello più basso dall'inizio della crisi.
Yunanistan’da, 3-6 Nisan tarihleri arasında “Mücadele ve Dayanışma Kervanı” gerçekleşti. Bu eylemi, kendi işçileri tarafından işgal edilen ve özyönetimle yönetilen VioMe fabrikası, yine kendi çalışanlarınca işgal edilen ve özyönetimle yönetilen ulusal radyo ve televizyon kurumu kuzey Yunanistan kolu (ERT3), Chalkida Çimento’da örgütlü sendika, işten atılan Maliye Bakanlığı temizlik işçileri, işten atılan okul hizmetlileri ve görevden uzaklaştırılan öğretmenler birlikte organize etmişti.
VioMe için bu kervanın amacı, Tsipras’ın işgal edilen fabrikayı iki yıl önce ziyaret ettiğinde söz verdiği gibi, Çalışma Bakanını VioMe işçilerinin haklı mücadelesine yönelik acil bir çözüm talebiyle bir toplantıya zorlamaktı. Diğer katılımcı işçiler ise sadece VioMe’yi desteklemek için değil, ayrıca kendilerinin çözüm bekleyen sorunlarının hükümet tarafından çözülmesi talebiyle de Kervan'a katıldılar.
On April 3-6 the Caravan of Struggle and Solidarity took place in Greece. The Caravan was co-organised by the occupied and self-managed factory of VioMe, the occupied and self-managed national radio and television of north Greece (ERT3), the union of Chalkida Cements, the fired cleaners of the Ministry of Finance, the fired school-keepers and suspended teachers.
Goal of this Caravan was for VioMe to force a meeting with the Minister of Labour and demand an immediate solution for the struggle of the workers, as promised by Tsipras himself when he had visited the occupied factory about two years ago. Other workers participated not only to support VioMe but also to demand of the government solutions to their own unresolved problems.
For the first time, workers from both the private and public sectors - usually pitted against each other - joined forces to fight for the right of work, against privatizations, and against the entire 'austerity” program imposed by the troika of the EU/ECB/IMF. Their sgtruggle was against capitalist property relations and for re-organising social labour on new bases - with workers’ control and workers’ managment.
Since the victory of Syriza in the general elections in Greece on 25 January, all eyes have turned to Spain in expectation of a “contagion”. The fact that Spain will go to the polls for general elections at the end of this year brigns this prospect even more alive. The elections to the regional parliament of Andalusia, the largest autonomous region of Spain by population, this past Sunday 23 March was the first test for Podemos, the new movement in Spain aspiring to become the Syriza of that country. We are publishing here an initial assessment of Podemos, written before the Andalusian elections by a revolutionary Marxist living and working in Barcelona [RedMed].
La carencia de centralización yde objetivos políticos desarticuló el movimiento de los indignados, que llenó las plazas españolas en la primavera de 2011. En otoño de ese año, la victoria electoral del derechista Partido Popular deprimió a los participantes menos activos. Las huelgas generales de 2012 y las poderosos movimientos de lucha de los trabajadores del sector público reavivaron la combatividad. Una enorme represión del Estado(cuya culminación ha sido la reforma del Código Penal hace unas semanas) siguió a la formación del nuevo gobierno. Hoy, la movilización popular está en los nivelesmás bajos desde el comienzo de la crisis.
Las elecciones europeas de mayo de 2014 refractaron todo el proceso político. La derecha y los socialdemócratas se hundieron. Izquierda Unida triplicó sus votos y Podemos, que aspiraba a representar la indignación y la protesta contra el régimen político, consiguió más de 1.200.000 votos (casi un 8%). Desde entonces, las encuestas han pronosticado un gran crecimiento del nuevo partido, incluso la posibilidad de que dispute el primer puesto a PP y PSOE en las elecciones legislativas de este año.
Yunanistan’da Syriza’nın 25 Ocak seçimlerinde kazandığı büyük zaferden sonra gözler İspanya’da hızlı bir yükseliş yaşamakta olan Podemos hareketine dönmüştü. 22 Mart Pazar günü İspanya’nın en yüksek nüfuslu özerk bölgesi Endülüs’te yapılan bölge seçimleri Syriza zaferi sonrası ilk test oldu. Podemos burada istediği sonuçları elde edemedi. Bölge yönetimini daha önce de elinde tutmakta olan sosyal demokrat PSOE seçimden galip çıktı. Buna karşılık merkezi hükümeti elinde tutan PP bölge parlamentosunda 47 sandalyeden 33 sandalyeye düşerek hezimet yaşadı. Aralık ayında yapılacak genel seçimlerde İspanya’da iktidar değişimi yaşanacağı yolunda ilk işaret de böylece ortaya çıkmış oldu. Ama PP’nin yerine hangi partinin ya da koalisyon hükümetinin geçeceği daha belli değil.
der Kampf um VIOME steht wieder einmal an einem Wendepunkt. NachdemLafarge, das französische Unternehmen, es letzten Sommer geschafft hat,VIOME bankrott erklären zu lassen, haben sich die Ex- Eigentümer mit demneuen Administrator zusammengetan, um den Betrieb zu liquidieren. Am 23.März ist ein wichtiges Gerichtsverfahren, bei der es um die Zukunft desKampfes bei VIOME geht.
VIOME’nin mücadelesi yeni bir dönüm noktasına geldi. Geçen yaz VIOME fabrikasını iflas ettiren fransız şirketi Lafarge’dan sonra şimdi de yeni yönetim eski mal sahipleriyle fabrikayı kapatmak için bir komplo hazırlamaya başladı. 23 Mart’ta VIOME mücadelesinin geleceği için önemli bir dava görülecek. Tabi ki biz yargıcın kararı ne olursa olsun fabrikada kalmaya kararlıyız fakat bu önemli bir hukuki savaş ve bizim bütün gücümüzü mobilize etmemiz şart.
The workers of VIOME in Thessaloniki, Greece, have stood up against unemployment and poverty by carrying through a long struggle to self-manage the occupied factory in very adverse conditions. For two years now, they have been producing and selling ecological cleaning products at the occupied premises, ensuring a modest income for their families. They have been working on terms of equality, taking decisions collectively through the general assembly. At the same time they have received a big wave of solidarity from Greece and abroad, converting their struggle into an emblematic struggle for human dignity in crisis-stricken Greece.
The ex-owners of the factory, the Fillipou family, have never stopped trying to obstruct the process, posing legal hurdles in every step along the way. Four years ago they abandoned the factory, keeping all the benefits to themselves and leaving hundreds of millions in unpaid wages to the workers, condemning their families to poverty and misery. Today they appear again, conspiring with the state-appointed bankruptcy administrators and the judicial system in order to liquidate the company.
Los trabajadores de VIOME en Tesalónica, Grecia, han plantado cara al desempleo y la pobreza, llevando a cabo una larga lucha para autogestionar la fábrica ocupada en condiciones muy adversas. Desde hace dos años, han estado produciendo y comercializando productos de limpieza ecológicos en la fábrica ocupada, garantizando un modesto ingreso para sus familias. Han estado trabajando en condiciones de igualdad y decidiendo colectivamente a través de la asamblea. Al mismo tiempo, han recibido una gran ola de solidaridad desde Grecia y el extranjero, convirtiendo su lucha en una lucha emblemática para la dignidad humana en Grecia en pleno crisis.
Los ex propietarios de la fábrica, la familia Fillipou, nunca han dejado de intentar obstruir el proceso, presentando obstáculos legales en cada paso del camino. Hace cuatro años abandonaron la fábrica, apropiándose de todos los beneficios y dejando una deuda de cientos de millones de euros hacia los trabajadores, condenando a sus familias a la pobreza y la miseria. Hoy vuelven a aparecer, conspirando con los síndicos y el sistema judicial con el fin de liquidar la empresa.
Les travailleurs de VIOME à Thessalonique, en Grèce, se sont levés contre la pauvreté et le chômage. Ils ont entammé une longue lutte pour l'autogestion de l'usine et ce dans un contexte hostile. Cela fait deux ans qu'ils produisent et commercialisent des produits de nettoyage écologique dans l'usine occupée, ce qui leur garanti un revenu modeste pour leur famille. Ils ont travaillé dans des conditions d'égalité les uns par rapport aux autres, prenant les décisions collectivement grâce à leur assemblée. Ce faisant, ils ont reçu une grande vague de solidarité en la Grèce mais aussi de l'étranger, convertissant leur lutte en une lutte emblématique pour la dignité humaine en Grèce en temps de crise.
I lavoratori della VIOME a Salonicco in Grecia hanno tenuto duro contro la disoccupazione e la povertà, portando avanti una dura lotta per autogestire la loro fabbrica occupata in condizioni molto avverse. Da due anni stanno producendo e commercializzando prodotti di pulizia ecologici nella fabbrica occupata, garantendo così un modesto reddito alle loro famiglie. Hanno lavorato in condizioni di uguaglianza e decidendo collettivamente in assemblea. Nello stesso tempo hanno ricevuto una grande ondata di solidarietà dalla Grecia e dall’estero, facendo della loro battaglia un emblema della lotta per la dignità umana in una Grecia in piena crisi.
Le elezioni greche dello scorso gennaio 2015 non sono state una normale “contesa” parlamentare, ma hanno invece marcato un punto di svolta nella lotta di classe internazionale e nella crisi capitalistica che si è aperta con il 2007.
Las elecciones griegas en enero 2015 no fueron una disputa parlamentaria "normal". Esto marca un punto de inflexión en la crisis capitalista mundial post 2007 y en la lucha de clases internacional. La Unión Europea y la Eurozona vuelven a emerger como el epicentro de la crisis. Las ilusiones de una aparente "estabilización” en los mercados financieros después de la famosa declaración de Draghis en 2012 en la que el BCE hará "lo que sea necesario" para evitar el colapso de la Eurozona, ahora se están disipando. La economía de la eurozona, tanto en la periferia y como en su "núcleo duro", se enmaraña en un círculo vicioso de recesión, deflación y sobre endeudamiento, mientras que todas las medidas y las políticas implementadas hasta el momento, sobre la base de las medidas draconianas de "austeridad", han totalmente fallado.
Ocak 2015 Yunanistan seçimleri, basit bir parlamenter yarıştan ibaret değildi. Bu seçim, 2007 sonrası dünya kapitalist krizi ve uluslararası sınıf mücadelesinde bir dönüm noktasına işaret etmektedir. Avrupa Birliği ve Euro bölgesi, tekrardan krizin merkez üssü olarak ortaya çıkmakta. Draghi’nin Euro bölgesinin çöküşünü önlemek için, Avrupa Merkez Bankası’nın “ne gerekirse yapacağı” şeklindeki ünlü açıklamasından sonra ortaya çıkan, finans piyasalarında “istikrar sağlanması”na dair yanılsamalar artık dağılmaya başlamıştır. Euro bölgesinin ekonomisi deflasyon, resesyon ve aşırı borçuluk arasında bir kısır döngünün içine sıkışmış durumdadır. Bu durum çevre ülkelerin yanı sıra, güçlü merkez ülkelerini de etkisi altına almış bulunmaktadır. Öte yandan, gaddarca uygulanan kemer sıkma politikaları artık...
Fighting both sectarian blindness and opportunist adaptation to the new government, we intervene in the class struggle actualizing our program with transitional demands to cancel the debt, to end austerity and unemployment, to brake from the imperialists of the EU, the US and NATO, for bread, jobs, freedom, health, education, to take back the life that they have stolen from us, the people. Thus, we develop our ties with the broad masses entering now with renewed hopes and courage, in the arena of struggle where their fate will be decided.
Ai Compagni Metalmeccanici del sindacato Birlesik*,
Cari Compagni Metalmeccanici: con questa nostra mail esprimiamo il nostro appoggio e la nostra più sincera solidarietà militante al vostro sciopero.
La vostra coraggiosa azione di lotta prolungata è un esempio per tutto il proletariato e va sostenuta non solo con le parole ma anche con l'appoggio diretto, politico ed economico di tutte le centrali sindacali dei paesi europei.
Bisogna ampliare la vostra lotta in una lotta generale contro tutti i padroni e contro i governi di tutti i paesi d'Europa per fare in modo che la crisi economica generata dal capitalismo non sia ulteriormente scaricata sui lavoratori e sulle masse popolari, che già hanno pagato tanto in questi anni, unificando e concentrando tutte le forze del proletariato europeo su una piattaforma unificante rivendicativa che faccia rialzare la testa di tutti gli sfruttati.
To the metalworkers of the Birlesik* trade union,
Dear comrades, we want to express our support and militant solidarity to your strike. Your courageous prolonged struggle is a brilliant example for the entire working class and it must be sustained not only with words, but also with the political and economic direct support by every trade union center of the European countries.
It's necessary to extend your struggle, turning it into a general struggle against the bourgeois e their governments in every European country, to do so that the effects of the economic crisis will not be further suffered by the the working class. It will be possible only by concentrating the European proletariates's forces on a unifying platform of revendications which will be able to make all the exploited masses raise their heads.
We are militant of letf-wing classist tendence in CGIL “Il sindacato è un'altra cosa” (“The trade union is something else”), and we strives in order that CGIL undertake a general prolonged struggle in our country, in a context of wider struggle in Europe, because we think that only the class unity will lead to the Victory.
İtalya’nın ünlü kanallar şehri Venedik ve çevresindeki bölgede çalışan ve mücadele eden bir dizi sendikacı ve işçi, Birleşik Metal İşçileri Sendikası üyesi işçilere grevleri dolayısıyla mesaj yolladı. Mesaj 30 Ocak Cuma günü yollandığı için yasaklama kararının öncesine düşüyor. Mesaj yollayan sendikacılar ve işçi temsilcileri hep İtalya’nın en büyük ve en sol sendika konfederasyonu olan CGIL üyesi. Bir kısmı aynı zamanda İtalya’nın ve Avrupa’nın en büyük metal işçileri sendikası olan FIOM üyesi. Bunlar arasında dünya çapında bir tersane olan Fincantieri’de ya da kazı makineleri alanında önde gelen bir marka olan çokuluslu şirket Soilmec’te işçi temsilcisi olanlar var. Sendikacılar ise ya CGIL’de ya da kendi sendikalarında bölge ya da il yönetim kurullarının üyesi. Hepsi CGIL içinde sınıf mücadelesi eğilimini temsil eden “Il sindacato e un’altra cosa” (“Sendikacılık başka türlü yapılır”) platformunun mensubudur. Metni İngilizce aslından Türkçe’ye Gencer Çakır çevirdi.
Birleşik Metal-İş Sendikası’nın işçilerine,
Değerli yoldaşlar,
Desde la Coordinadora Sindical Clasista y el Partido Obrero de la Argentina denunciamos la prohibición de la huelga de los trabajadores metalúrgicos nucleados en Birlesik Metal, que el gobierno turco ha decidido aplazar por ¡60! días en violación flagrante del derecho de huelga, amparándose en una disposición emitida en los '80 por la Junta Militar.
Este ataque a instancias de la patronal metalúrgica, obedece a la simpatía que la huelga de 15 mil obreros de más de 40 empresas (y de 10 ciudades diferentes) estaba despertando entre todos los metalúrgicos del país. La entereza de los huelguistas constituía también una referencia potencial para todo el movimiento obrero turco.
La prohibición ilustra el carácter antiobrero y la naturaleza de clase del gobierno de Erdogan, que hace pocos meses adoptó idénticas represalias contra una huelga de 5600 obreros del vidrio. Medidas similares se han implementado contra los mineros.
Arjantin’de Sınıf Mücadeleci Sendikal Koordinasyon ve Partido Obrero (PO-İşçi Partisi) olarak Birleşik Metal İşçileri Sendikası çatısı altında düzenlenen grevin yasaklanmasını kınıyoruz. Türkiye hükümeti, 1980’li yıllarda askeri cuntanın yasalaştırdığı bir hükmü kullanarak grevi 60 gün erteleme yoluyla yasaklamış ve böylece grev hukukunu gözle görülür biçimde ayaklar altına almıştır.
Metal işverenlerinin greve saldırısı, aslında 10 şehirde 40’tan fazla işletmede 15 bin işçiyi kucaklayan bu grevin ülkenin öteki sendikalarda örgütlü olsun, sendikasız olsun diğer bütün metal işçileri nezdinde uyandırdığı sempati dolayısıyla yapılmıştır. Grev aynı zamanda daha genel olarak Türkiye işçi hareketince bir referans noktası olarak izleniyordu.
Bu yasak, daha birkaç ay önce 5.600 cam işçisinin grevini de yasaklamış olan Erdoğan hükümetinin işçi sınıfı karşıtı niteliğini ortaya koymakta, sınıf doğasını teşhir etmektedir. Benzer bir yasak madencilere karşı da uygulanmıştı.
We call on all the organisations of the international working class to express their clear condemnation of this shameful decision by the AKP government and their strong solidarity with the metalworkers of Turkey by any method they deem appropriate. Even the smallest message will help. We need to counter forcefully the ruthless exploitation the international working class is being subjected to. This is what the condemnation of government’s banning of the metalworkers’ strike in Turkey is about.
In queste circostanze specifiche, estremamente difficoltose in termini di tempi e di necessità finanziarie, l'EEK deve sostenere sulle sue spalle la battaglia per l'indipendenza politica della classe lavoratrice e per l'internazionalismo proletario, e parteciperà in maniera indipendente alle elezioni. La voce dell'EEK sarà la voce della rivoluzione; una voce minoritaria, e tuttavia inconciliabile e insubordinata. Abbiamo il dovere di mostrare l'unica via d'uscita, di discutere con i lavoratori il più possibile, di mobilitarli fin da ora per l'indomani della sconfitta dei sostenitori del memorandum, di reclutare e organizzare forze rivoluzionarie, di prepararci ed educarci da avanguardie combattenti per la battaglia storica che incombe. L'esistenza dell'EEK, la sua ragion d'essere, è la lotta incessante per la rivoluzione permanente internazionale, con le più diverse condizioni – a volte straordinariamente sfavorevoli, sfidando ostacoli e avversari sulla strada della liberazione sociale e del comunismo.
Dentro de los extremadamente ajustados tiempos y condicionamientos financieros que plantean las circunstancias, el EEK debe ponerse a los hombros la lucha por la independencia política de la clase obrera y del internacionalismo proletario y participar independientemente en las elecciones. La voz del EEK debe ser la de la revolución social, una voz minoritaria pero igualmente combativa e insubordinada. Debemos mostrar cuál es la única salida; abrir la discusión en las filas de los trabajadores tanto como podamos, movilizar, desde este mismo momento, al pueblo para intervenir frente a las secuelas que dejará la derrota de los que apoyan el memorándum; reclutar y organizar a las fuerzas revolucionarias, entrenar y educar a las masas y a nosotros mismos, como luchadores de vanguardia para las batallas históricas que se vienen. La razón de ser del EEK es la incansable lucha por la revolución permanente internacional bajo las más diversas, y a veces excepcionalmente desfavorables, condiciones, desafiando obstáculos y adversarios en el camino de la liberación social y el comunismo.
Μέσα στις συγκεκριμένες, εξαιρετικά πιεστικές από πλευράς χρόνου και οικονομικών απαιτήσεων συνθήκες, το ΕΕΚ πρέπει να αναλάβει στους ώμους του την πάλη για την πολιτική ανεξαρτησία της εργατικής τάξης και τον προλεταριακό διεθνισμό και να κατέβει ανεξάρτητο στις εκλογές. Η φωνή του ΕΕΚ πρέπει να γίνει η φωνή της κοινωνικής επανάστασης, φωνή μειοψηφική, έστω, αλλά ασυμβίβαστη κι ανυπόταχτη. Πρέπει να δείξουμε τη μόνη διέξοδο, να συζητήσουμε με τον λαό όσο πιο πλατιά μπορούμε, να τον κινητοποιήσουμε από τώρα για την επαύριο της ορατής ήττας των μνημονιακών, να στρατολογήσουμε και να οργανώσουμε δυνάμεις για την επανάσταση, να εκπαιδεύσουμε και να εκπαιδευτούμε σαν πρωτοπόροι μαχητές γαι τις ιστορικές μάχες που έρχονται. Ο τρόπος ύπαρξης, ο λόγος ύπαρξης του ΕΕΚ είναι η ασίγαστη πάλη για την διεθνή διαρκή επανάσταση κάτω από τους πιο διαφορετικούς, πολλές φορές εξαιρετικά δυσμενείς, όρους, αψηφώντας εμπόδια και αντίπαλους στον δρόμο της κοινωνικής απελευθέρωσης και του κομμουνισμού.